November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Abstract:

The 63rd United Nations (UN) General Assembly is poised to debate Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s report on the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (referred to as ‘R2P’ for the remainder of this report). It is expected that his report will be released and debated in early 2009. Therefore, this is a good time to examine the position that Member States have adopted on the R2P since its endorsement at the 2005 World Summit and policy issues relating to its implementation through the UN. This report will focus on the Member States of the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the exception of Myanmar, which is currently on the UN Security Council’s agenda. It concentrates on their position on the R2P and their policy priorities in areas related to implementing the principle through the UN. The report identifies steps that might encourage the region’s governments to become more positively engaged with the R2P principle....

August 26, 2008
Asian Development Bank Institute

Abstract:

This paper quantifies the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth in Asia for 1970–2004. Our panel estimations show that transnational terrorist attacks had a significant growth-limiting effect. Transnational terrorism reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures. An internal conflict has the greatest growth concern, about twice that of transnational terrorism. For developing Asian countries, intrastate and interstate wars have a much greater impact than terrorism does on the crowding-in of government spending. Policy recommendations indicate the need for rich Asian countries to assist their poorer neighbors in coping with the negative growth consequences of political violence. Failure to assist may result in region-wide repercussions. Conflict and terrorism in one country can create production bottlenecks with region-wide economic consequences. International and nongovernmental organizations as well as developed Western countries and regions could assist at-risk Asian countries with attack prevention and post-attack recovery. This study has six purposes. First, and foremost, we present panel estimates for a sample of 42 Asian countries to quantify the impact of terrorism and conflicts on income per capita growth for 1970–2004. Panel estimation methods control for country-specific and timespecific unobserved heterogeneity. Second, we distinguish the influence of terrorism on economic growth from that of internal and external conflicts. Third, these influences are investigated for cohorts of developed and developing countries to ascertain whether development can better allow a country to absorb the impact of political violence. Fourth, econometric estimations relate violence-induced growth reductions to two pathways— reduced investment and increased government expenditures. Fifth, a host of diagnostic and sensitivity tests to support our empirical specifications. Last, we draw some policy conclusions....

August 17, 2005
Naval War College

Abstract:

This article discusses the threats to maritime security in Southeast Asia, describes the factors tending toward strengthened maritime security cooperation, and argues that networks of bilateral relationships may be more fruitful than purely multilateral arrangements. The first section, a historical overview of maritime cooperation in Southeast Asia from the end of the Cold War through December 2004, is followed by a survey of contemporary maritime security threats. The article then discusses five significant factors that now favor improved maritime cooperation. It concludes with the various forms that future cooperation might take and speculation as to which are mostly likely in light of evolving state interests and constraints. ...

April 9, 2005
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies // Nanyang Technological University

Abstract:

At the beginning of 2005, Southeast Asian security cooperation is still regarded as inadequate to defend the region against maritime threats. However, structural, economic and normative factors are enabling greater cooperation in the post-9/11 "Age of Terror". This article opens with a brief outline of the history of Southeast Asian maritime security cooperation from 1990 to December 2004, and then discusses the various maritime threats faced by the region. It next describes five factors that are enabling greater maritime security cooperation in the Age of Terror. The potential application of those factors is assessed to anticipate the most likely forms of future regional cooperation. While cooperation will expand on many levels the most fruitful cooperation will result from improved networks of bilateral relationships. Information in this working paper will be of interest to those seeking to understand the cooperation and security dynamics of this important and intensely maritime region. It should be of specific interest to those policymakers seeking to improve international cooperation to combat Southeast Asian transnational maritime threats such as terrorism, piracy and smuggling....

February 7, 2005


Abstract:

Last October, at the Ninth Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Bali, the leaders of the organization formally declared their aim of establishing a security community in Southeast Asia by the year 2020. The declaration serves as a bold statement of the ASEAN members' attempts to rejuvenate an institution at once plagued by internal paralysis and subject #to assault from the forces of Islamic radicalism. Hopes are high within ASEAN. As ASEAN Deputy Secretary-General Wilfrido Villacorta noted: "This security communityxe2x80xa6[will] strengthen national and regional capacity to counter terrorism, drug trafficking, trafficking in persons and transnational crime." This is not mere rhetoric. In early March this year, the ASEAN foreign ministers met in Vietnam's scenic Halong Bay to make headway on initiatives to build a security community. One idea under serious consideration is the establishment of an ASEAN peacekeeping force. An increasing number of scholars and the organization itself argue that ASEAN should strive to realize the goal of a forming a security community. ...

August 5, 2011
Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute

Abstract:

After the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement, Cambodia set about the difficult process of state-building. Despite violent clashes in 1997-98, the Cambodian government has been largely successful in establishing full control of military forces, into which former Khmer Rouge soldiers have been reintegrated. The Cambodian government, with support of donors, successfully improved infrastructure throughout the country, built up capacity in key state institutions, and provided basic public services to the people. Behind these achievements was assistance from a grassroots network built by the Cambodian People‟s Party in the 1980s. This network is characterized by patronage connections between the government and village chiefs, and between the latter and villagers. Consequently, the legitimacy of the state has been strengthened. In contrast, social empowerment has been delayed, and people's political rights and freedoms have been restricted by the state. As shown by the recent increase of corruption charges and land tenure disputes, the imbalance between the powerful state and a stunted civil society is a potential factor of instability....

July 19, 2011
Revue de la Sécurité Humaine // Human Security Journal

Abstract:

Three decades of civil war and cold war powers interference have resulted in an extremely painful situation for children in Cambodia. They suffer from the physical and psychological scars of conflict, from displacement and exploitation, from insufficient health care and environmental insecurity, from a political culture of corruption which diverts funds from their educational and health objectives and from a brutalisation of the society which endangers their freedom from fear. This study attempts to review the vast range of threats to which Cambodian children may be subject and to use the Human Security approach to highlight how interdependent these threats are, thus using the academic revolution introduced by this paradigm in threat assessment. But it has also attempts to exploit the more controversial “operational” side of HS in sketching personal insights on how the dealing with these respective threats may be improved, notably through more coordinated responses....

July 12, 2011
National School of Surveying // University of Otago

Abstract:

Reforming land tenure is an integral part of the process of post-conflict development which is currently underway in Cambodia. However, the land tenure reforms have remained focused on the desire to achieve primarily economic gains, seeking improved access for citizens to formal credit, higher land values, higher rates of investment in land, and increases in income. Though such outcomes can be attributed to a process of reducing income-based poverty, the social and equity impacts of tenure reform must be addressed more directly if well-being is to improve and the potential for future conflict is to be reduced.

This paper examines the interface between land tenure and human security in post-conflict Cambodia in order to help reveal ways in which tenure reform can make a more coherent contribution toward broad-based and sustainable development. Efforts to improve human security are premised on the understanding that, in order for the development process to be effective, individuals must first be empowered to participate in primarily economic opportunities while at the same time be protected from threats that may compromise their physical, social, or psychological well-being. In this context, a functional system of tenure reform must address the underlying conditions or factors that provide people with constructive coping mechanisms to deal with threats to their security....

April 7, 2011
Institute for Security and Development Policy

Abstract:

The Mekong River – Southeast Asia’s largest river – runs from the Tibetan Plateau and through China’s Yunnan province. This part of the river is heavily dammed. South of China, as it goes through Burma, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, has been spared. That might soon be changing as Laos, backed by Thailand, is set to start the construction of the 1260 megawatt Xayaburi hydroelectric plant. Vietnam opposes this plan and claims that the future of the river, and the communities along it, will be threatened. National interests are clearly pitted against each other. The split regarding the future of the Mekong River threatens to damage the relations between Laos and Vietnam and increase regional insecurity....

March 31, 2011
Human Rights Watch

Abstract:

This Human Rights Watch report details the latest government crackdowns on these indigenous peoples, known collectively as Montagnards. The report documents police sweeps to root out Montagnards in hiding. It details how the authorities have dissolved house church gatherings, orchestrated coerced renunciations of faith, and sealed off the border to prevent asylum seekers from fleeing to Cambodia.

August 15, 2011
West Papua Project // Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies // The University of Sydney

Abstract:

This report deals with a series of Indonesian military documents that were passed to the West Papua Project -WPP- in early 2011.1 The documents provide remarkable insights into how the Indonesian military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia – TNI), operates within the disputed territory of West Papua (disputed, that is, between the vast majority of Papuans and the Indonesian government), and how they view West Papuan civil society. The documents reveal the names and activities of Indonesian intelligence agents; describe how traditional Papuan communities are monitored; and include a detailed analysis of both the West Papuan armed guerrilla groups and the non-violent civil society organisations which promote self-determination. Identifying so many West Papuan leaders and others as ―separatists‖, these documents effectively show that support for independence is widespread and surprisingly well organised. West Papuans have long complained of living under an Indonesian military ―occupation‖ and these documents go a long way to substantiating this claim....

July 12, 2011
Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue

Abstract:

The post-Soeharto era in Indonesia has been marked by the eruption of several violent internal conflicts throughout the country. This combined with the transition to democracy begun by Soeharto's successor, Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, have had direct impacts on the ways in which conflicts are managed in the country. This report takes a practical look at the management of internal conflicts in Indonesia, focussing its attention on three affected regions - Poso, Maluku, and Papua . It attempts to fill the gap in existing comparative research and analysis in this area in order to inform future peacemaking efforts in the country. The publication is one of three produced as part of the HD Centre's project...

June 15, 2011
International Crisis Group

Abstract:

The election for Aceh governor and other local executive posts – now scheduled for 14 November 2011 – has deepened an old rivalry within the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) between incumbent Governor Irwandi Yusuf, its former propaganda chief, and those around its ex-“prime minister”, Malik Mahmud. The two factions ran against each other in 2006, with Irwandi defeating the ticket backed by Malik. Irwandi is leading in the polls again, but five years later, the context is very different with Malik and his allies controlling the GAM political party, Partai Aceh. Sporadic violence between the rival camps is likely but not on a scale to cause serious concern. The bigger problem for Aceh is how to curb the autocratic tendencies of Partai Aceh without undermining the political gains won in the 2005 Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that brought an end to three decades of conflict....

June 7, 2011
Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces

Abstract:

The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.

The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:

• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender

Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at:
http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131⟨=en...

May 30, 2011
International Center for Transitional Justice // KontraS

Abstract:

General Soeharto resigned as president of Indonesia in May 1998 after 32 years of authoritarian rule. This report provides a review of transitional justice mechanisms in the reform period that followed. Known in Indonesia as reformasi, the process began with a period of momentous change and hope that effective systems of accountability would be established, but became compromised before stalling altogether.

Successive governments during the period have established or provided legal bases for a number of commissions of inquiry, truth and reconciliation commissions, an agency for the protection of victims and witnesses, permanent human rights courts, and ad hoc human rights courts for particular cases. Human rights protections have been inserted in the national constitution, international conventions ratified, a constitutional court established, and guaranteed seats in the legislature for security forces eliminated.

Despite all of these changes in relation to the structures protecting human rights, in practice progress has been consistently blocked by a deep, systemic unwillingness to uncover the truth surrounding serious human rights violations and hold those who are responsible accountable for their actions....

April 7, 2011
Institute for Security and Development Policy

Abstract:

The Mekong River – Southeast Asia’s largest river – runs from the Tibetan Plateau and through China’s Yunnan province. This part of the river is heavily dammed. South of China, as it goes through Burma, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, has been spared. That might soon be changing as Laos, backed by Thailand, is set to start the construction of the 1260 megawatt Xayaburi hydroelectric plant. Vietnam opposes this plan and claims that the future of the river, and the communities along it, will be threatened. National interests are clearly pitted against each other. The split regarding the future of the Mekong River threatens to damage the relations between Laos and Vietnam and increase regional insecurity....

March 18, 2011
United Nations Mine Action Service // United Nations Development Programme // United Nations Children’s Fund

Abstract:

The Portfolio of Mine Action Projects is a resource tool and reference document for donors, policy-makers, advocates, and national and international mine action implementers. The country and territory-specific proposals in the portfolio reflect strategic responses developed in the field to address all aspects of the problem of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This country and territory-based approach aims to present as comprehensive a picture as possible of the full range of mine action needs in particular countries and thematic issues related to mine action. The portfolio ideally reflects projects developed by mine- and ERW-affected countries and territories based on their priorities and strategies; the approaches are endorsed by national authorities. The portfolio does not automatically entail full-scale direct mine action assistance by the United Nations, but is in essence a tool for collaborative resource mobilization, coordination and planning of mine action activities involving partners and stakeholders. A country portfolio coordinator (CPC) leads each country portfolio team and coordinates the submission of proposals to the portfolio’s headquarters team. While the majority of the CPCs are UN officials, this role is increasingly being assumed by national authorities. The country portfolio teams include representatives from national and local authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations and the private sector. Locally based donor representatives are invited to attend preparation meetings. Each portfolio chapter contains a synopsis of the scope of the landmine and ERW problem, a description of how mine action is coordinated, and a snapshot of local mine action strategies. Many of the strategies complement or are integrated into broader development and humanitarian frameworks such as national development plans, the UN development assistance frameworks and national poverty reduction plans. This 14th edition of the annual Portfolio of Mine Action Projects features overviews and project outlines for 29 countries, territories or missions affected by landmines and explosive remnants of war. There are 238 projects in the 2011 portfolio. Africa accounts for the largest number: 92....

December 14, 2009
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime // Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control // Lao National Commission for Drug Control and Supervision

Abstract:

Opium cultivation in South East-Asia remains relatively limited. Just under 34,000 hectares of opium was grown in the region in 2009, a quarter of the amount grown in Afghanistan. Worrisome is the situation in Myanmar where cultivation is up for the third year in a row – an 11% increase from 28,500 ha in 2008 to 31,700 ha in 2009. Most of this increase came in the Shan State where 95% of Myanmar’s poppy is grown. More than a million people (most of them in the Shan state) are now involved in opium cultivation in Myanmar, an increase of more than a quarter over 2008. However, the overall value of the crop is falling since yields were down 28% to 10.4 kg per hectare, production fell 20% (to 330 metric tons), and prices are more or less stable (at just over US$ 300/kg). In total, the potential value of opium production in Myanmar fell by 15% from US$ 123 million in 2008 to US$ 104 million in 2009. Increased instability in north-eastern Myanmar (where most of the opium is grown) seems to be affecting the opium market. There are indications that ceasefire groups – autonomous ethnic militias like the Wa and Kachin – are selling drugs to buy weapons, and moving stocks to avoid detection. While South-East Asia’s once notorious opium problem has been contained, there are worrying signs that the situation in Myanmar is starting to unravel. Governments and donors need to stay the course and ensure sufficient duration of commitment and funding for all aspects of the drug issue: security, development, and health. In Lao PDR, cultivation was up 19%, although the overall total is low at 1,900 ha, as is the yield at 6 kg/ha. Nevertheless, with a kilo of opium fetching US$ 1,327 per kilogram (due to stable demand and scarce supply), this illicit crop remains attractive to farmers, especially as the prices of other locally produced commodities are falling....

November 26, 2009
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Abstract:

The 63rd United Nations (UN) General Assembly is poised to debate Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s report on the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (referred to as ‘R2P’ for the remainder of this report). It is expected that his report will be released and debated in early 2009. Therefore, this is a good time to examine the position that Member States have adopted on the R2P since its endorsement at the 2005 World Summit and policy issues relating to its implementation through the UN. This report will focus on the Member States of the Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the exception of Myanmar, which is currently on the UN Security Council’s agenda. It concentrates on their position on the R2P and their policy priorities in areas related to implementing the principle through the UN. The report identifies steps that might encourage the region’s governments to become more positively engaged with the R2P principle....

April 28, 2011
International Peace Institute

Abstract:

Efforts to promote “deradicalization,” or to rehabilitate detainees charged with terrorism-related offenses, have taken multiple forms in a wide range of countries, often as part of broader counterradicalization strategies that seek to prevent the adoption of violent extremist ideologies or behaviors in the first place. Some are more formal rehabilitation programs, with well-defined agendas, institutional structures, and a dedicated full-time staff, while others are a looser combination of social and political initiatives. Programs vary in their objectives, their criteria for participation, and the kinds of benefits and incentives they might offer. The cumulative lessons learned from several states’ experiences in dealing with violent extremist groups are of growing interest to countries now facing similar challenges.

With its global membership, neutral “brand,” and powerful convening capacity, the United Nations has the potential to play a powerful role in setting global norms and shaping international legal frameworks regarding counterterrorism, as well as in providing a platform for the exchange of information and technical assistance for practitioners and governments.

This paper draws lessons learned from case studies of deradicalization initiatives in eight Muslim-majority countries, which corroborate the experiences of countries in other regions that have grappled with violent extremist groups. The paper concludes by making recommendations concerning how the UN could help to facilitate the provision of knowledge and resources to key stakeholders interested in establishing or strengthening their own rehabilitation programs....

April 26, 2011
Refugees International

Abstract:

Malaysia has taken significant steps forward in improving refugee rights. In the past year, there have been no reported attempts to deport Burmese refugees to the border with Thailand and a decrease in immigration raids and arrests of registered refugees. But these advances have not yet been codified into written government policy, leaving refugees considered “illegal migrants” and subject to arrest and detention. The Government of Malaysia should build on this progress by setting up a system of residence and work permits for refugees. The international community should mobilize additional funds for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and non-governmental agencies to leverage this opportunity to improve refugee rights....

November 29, 2010
RAND Corporation

Abstract:

Deradicalizing Islamist extremists may be even more important than getting them to simply disengage from terrorist activities, according to a new RAND Corporation study that examines counter-radicalization programs in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Europe. Although there has been much research about the radicalization and recruitment of Islamist extremists, there has been little study until recently about how one deradicalizes those who have been recruited into the Islamist extremist movement. A key question is whether the objective of counter-radicalization programs should be disengagement (a change in behavior) or deradicalization (a change in beliefs) of militants. A unique challenge posed by militant Islamist groups is that their ideology is rooted in a major world religion, Islam. The RAND study indentifies and analyzes the processes through which militants leave Islamist extreme groups, assesses the effectiveness of deradicalization programs and summarizes the policies that could help to promote and accelerate the processes of deradicalization....

June 15, 2010
National War College Review // United States Naval War College

Abstract:

TheMalacca Strait is a narrow waterway that extends nearly six hundred nauticalmiles fromthe Andaman Sea to the South China Sea, betweenMalaysia and Indonesia. The strait provides a vital shipping lane for vessels sailing from Europe and the Middle East to East Asia, as well as smaller vessels on local voyages. Unfortunately, when we think of the Malacca Strait, images of a waterway infested with pirates often spring to mind. While this image could arguably have been justified in the past, it is now rather outdated. According to the International Maritime Bureau (IMB), which produces quarterly and annual reports on piracy and armed robbery against ships, there were only three successful and four attempted attacks by pirates on shipping in the Malacca Strait in 2007. While piracy has certainly been a concern in the waterway in the past,with reported attacks reaching seventy-five in 2000, the number of cases has been falling since 2005, largely as a result of a number of countermeasures introduced by the three littoral states of Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia. This decrease in attacks was achieved despite a 10 percent increase in cases worldwide. This article will discuss the reduction in pirate attacks in the Malacca Strait and how the attacks themselves have changed over the last decade. Themeasures attributed to the reduction will then be discussed, as well as the underlying principles and attitudes that have shaped these initiatives. Particular attention will be given as to how the issue of sovereignty, a principle of utmost importance in Southeast Asia, has impactedmultilateral and bilateral cooperative efforts to address the transnational problem of piracy, including a series of International Maritime Organization (IMO) meetings convened to tackle pressing issues affecting the safety and security of shipping in theMalacca Strait. The conclusions will make recommendations regarding issues that require further action....

June 15, 2010
United States Naval War College // Newport Papers

Abstract:

Beginning in the early 1980s, commercial shipping became a prime target of pirates, first off West Africa and then slowly spreading into Southeast Asia. Throughout the 1990s, and especially after the Soviet Union’s collapse, piracy increased dramatically. Reports of piracy tripled during 1991–2001: of 335 reported cases in 2001, ninety-one were in waters claimed by Indonesia, twenty-seven by India, twenty-five by Bangladesh, nineteen by Malaysia, eight by Vietnam, and eight by the Philippines; another seventeen reported attacks occurred in the Malacca Strait, bordering on Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. This monograph is intended as a contribution to both scholarship and professional naval thinking; it is an academic and comparative examination of twelve selected case studies from maritime history used to illuminate a range of concepts and uses of piracy suppression. The twelve case studies provide the basis for the conclusions, an approach that provides a more thorough understanding of the uses and limitations of naval antipiracy operations in the context of new maritime technologies and within a wider range of modern national policy goals than might otherwise be achievable. Above all, this collection provides a sound basis for comparative analysis of varying historical experiences that can stimulate new and original thinking about a basic but often overlooked naval duty....

August 2, 2011
South Asia Analysis Group

Abstract:

The civil war that had debilitated Myanmar from 1947, had a break since the early 90’s consequent to a series of cease fire agreements entered into by the military junta with 17 ethnic armed groups between 1989-1997. The hopes of the ethnic groups for a political solution faded when the military started pressurising the ethnic groups from April 2009 onwards in an attempt to disarm and transform them into border guards under the Myanmar army.

They were also allowed to form political parties for contesting the elections in November 2010 to pursue their aspirations. Save for a few minor groups, most ethnic groups refused to disarm or become border guards. Some ethnic political parties did however contest the elections and were successful in getting some of their representatives elected especially at the state level.

The new “civilian” government formed in March 2011 now seems to be seeking a military solution, in total disregard of cease-fire agreements, by attacking the ethnic groups in selected areas especially in Kachin and Shan States in recent months. In going for military operations, the Government perhaps wants to safeguard the interests of its neighbours China and Thailand who have invested heavily in the areas occupied by ethnic groups and thereby have their concurrence for initiating military action against these groups. The ethnic groups are getting together by forming an alliance and gearing themselves up for a revived civil war....

July 27, 2011
Burma Environment Working Group

Abstract:

Burma has extensive biodiversity and abundant natural resources, which have in recent years been threatened by militarization, large-scale resource extraction, and infrastructure development. Burma has some laws and policies related to protecting people and the environment, but the country lacks the necessary administrative and legal structures, standards, safeguards and political will to enforce such provisions. The country is also a party to several international treaties relating to the environment, including those on protection of biodiversity and indigenous peoples, wildlife, and countering climate change. It is unclear, however, how the contents of those treaties that have been ratified have been incorporated into domestic law.

Control over natural resources is a major cause of conflict in ethnic areas, where the majority of Burma’s natural resources remain. Foreign direct investment in Burma is concentrated in energy and extractive sectors and often results in militarization and displacement. Recently there has been heightened interest from countries in the region for more investment opportunities. Given the lack of sound economic policy and unwillingness of the state to reconcile with ethnic armed groups, an increase in foreign investment could have a major impact on the environment and communities living in these areas.

In order to take steps towards ecologically and socially responsible development in Burma, Burma must have a sound policy framework for environmental protection and sustainable development that enables citizens to take part in decision making about their own development, and ensures responsible private sector investment. Until then, new foreign investors investing in energy, extractive and plantation sectors should refrain from investing. Existing investors should immediately cease all project-related work - particularly in sensitive areas throughout Burma - until adequate safeguards are in place to ensure investment does not lead to unnecessary destruction of the natural environment and local livelihoods. At the same time, International NGOs and UN agencies should ensure people are recognized as key actors in their own development, rather than passive recipients of commodities and services; and civil society organizations should empower communities throughout Burma to understand their rights....

July 19, 2011
Karen Human Rights Group

Abstract:

Over the last two decades, KHRG has documented the abuse of convicts taken by the thousands from prisons across Burma and forced to serve as porters for frontline units of Burma's state army, the Tatmadaw. In the last two years alone, Tatmadaw units have used at least 1,700 convict porters during two distinct, ongoing combat operations in Karen State and eastern Bago Division; this report presents full transcripts and analysis of interviews with 59 who escaped. In interviews with KHRG, every convict porter described being forced to carry unmanageable loads over hazardous terrain with minimal rest, food and water. Most told of being used deliberately as human shields during combat; forced to walk before troops in landmine-contaminated areas; and being refused medical attention when wounded or ill. Many saw porters executed when they were unable to continue marching or when desperation drove them to attempt escape. Abuses consistently described by porters violate Burma's domestic and international legal obligations. If such abusive practices are to be halted, existing legal provisions must be enforced by measures that ensure accountability for the individuals that violate them. This report is intended to augment Dead Men Walking: Convict Porters on the Front Lines in Eastern Burma, a joint report released by KHRG and Human Rights Watch in July 2011....

July 13, 2011
Human Rights Watch

Abstract:

This 70-page report details abuses against convict porters including summary executions, torture, and the use of the convicts as “human shields.” The military should stop forcibly recruiting prisoners as porters and mistreating them, and those responsible for ordering or participating in such treatment should be prosecuted, Human Rights Watch and the Karen Human Rights Group said.

July 6, 2011
Peacebuild // Paix Durable

Abstract:

This paper is a gendered analysis of peacebuilding capacity in the context of forced migration. Scholars have tended to focus primarily on potential threats from conflict-generated diasporas1 rather than on how they contribute to peace processes in their homelands. Understanding how the millions of refugees affected by armed conflicts may, as non-state actors, help to facilitate peace making and peace building not only addresses some of the needs of refugees, but develops new policy and practices necessary to address contemporary ethno-political conflict. This study of women from Burma in exile reinforces the need to implement UNSCR 1325 in a way that strengthens the peace capacity of diaspora women‟s organizations in host countries as well as those at home....

August 5, 2011
Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute

Abstract:

After the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement, Cambodia set about the difficult process of state-building. Despite violent clashes in 1997-98, the Cambodian government has been largely successful in establishing full control of military forces, into which former Khmer Rouge soldiers have been reintegrated. The Cambodian government, with support of donors, successfully improved infrastructure throughout the country, built up capacity in key state institutions, and provided basic public services to the people. Behind these achievements was assistance from a grassroots network built by the Cambodian People‟s Party in the 1980s. This network is characterized by patronage connections between the government and village chiefs, and between the latter and villagers. Consequently, the legitimacy of the state has been strengthened. In contrast, social empowerment has been delayed, and people's political rights and freedoms have been restricted by the state. As shown by the recent increase of corruption charges and land tenure disputes, the imbalance between the powerful state and a stunted civil society is a potential factor of instability....

August 4, 2011
International Crisis Group

Abstract:

The Philippine government is experimenting with a creative but risky strategy to bring peace to Mindanao. It has three goals: demonstrate that good governance in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao is possible through a two-year reform program; bring separate discussions with two insurgencies, the Moro National Liberation Front and the much larger, better-armed Moro Islamic Liberation Front together; and hammer out the territory and powers of a future Moro “sub-state” in peace talks with the MILF. Until now, the government has not made clear how the three components fit together, but it may reveal its hand – at least in part – in mid-August 2011, when it is widely expected to present a new proposal to the MILF. After President Benigno S. “Noynoy” Aquino III took office in June 2010, he said that resolving the conflict in Mindanao was a priority, and the current occupants of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process are determined to find the formula for peace that eluded their predecessors. The idea of “convergence” is the result.

While many aspects are unclear, the thinking may run something like this: A 2008 agreement with the MILF broke down just before the final signing because of concerns in Manila about Philippine sovereignty and among non-MILF groups – both Christian and Muslim – in Mindanao about protecting their political and economic interests. The Aquino government knows the same could happen again unless the sceptics are on board. It has postponed scheduled elections in the ARMM and seems to believe that if it handpicks who will run the region for the next two years, it could be possible to clean it up in a way that proves autonomy need not be synonymous with corruption, poverty and private armies. At the same time, positions within the ARMM could be used as sweeteners to entice members of the MNLF, who are unhappy that their own 1996 peace agreement was never fully implemented, to cooperate. The government also hopes that Muslim civil society organisations can help push the MILF and MNLF onto one negotiating track....

August 3, 2011
The Asia Foundation

Abstract:

The Asia Foundation commissioned a study in August 2010 to examine the dynamics of gender and conflict in Mindanao. Leslie Dwyer and Rufa Guiam conducted field-based research and a literature review to identify challenges and opportunities for women and men in community and national peacebuilding. Their report argues that programming is more effective when comprehensive gender analysis is utilized, and that such an approach can be transformative in societies trying to emerge from conflict.

July 26, 2011
The Institute of Bangsamoro Studies // Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue

Abstract:

In November 2009, the massacre of 57 people in the province of Maguindanao in Mindanao garnered global attention. Directed by the politically powerful Ampatuan clan, against the family members of their political rivals, the Mangudadatu, many of the individuals accused of participating in the massacre belonged to Civilian Volunteer Organizations - CVOs - controlled by the Ampatuans. Such CVOs were recruited and funded by the local government units - LGUs - which form a core part of the country’s national security policy. Despite the fact that they were under the control of the LGUs they had come to effectively serve as the private army of the Ampatuans.

This was a graphic example of an everyday phenomenon in Mindanao where private armies, militia, "civilian defense forces" and vigilante forces have become indistinguishable. The Philippines is marked by weak and fragmented public security which is dominated by lethal clan rivalries, dynastic politics and underdevelopment. Weak and poorly implemented gun laws mean weapons are readily available and often used. Militia have evolved to be actors in armed violence and violent conflict across Mindanao, particularly Muslim Mindanao which is predominantly the focus of this report....

July 20, 2011
Human Rights Watch

Abstract:

This report details strong evidence of military involvement in seven killings and three enforced disappearances of leftist activists since President Benigno Aquino III took office on June 30, 2010.

January 20, 2011
Singapore Institute of International Affairs

Abstract:

The complexity of the Singapore–Myanmar relationship was reflected in the breadth of opinion offered by participants who attended a roundtable discussion hosted by the Singapore Institute of International Affairs on September 30, 2009. Leaders from the Singapore academic, business, and nongovernmental organization (NGO) communities attended the meeting. Their contributions are graciously acknowledged and provide a strong foundation for this report. Although the group did not reach an overarching consensus on how Singapore should engage Myanmar, the participants did reach conclusions on several points while illuminating many aspects of the relationship. The discussion reflected differences over Myanmar among the different sectors of society represented in the dialogue, as well as shifting public opinion of Singapore’s own image and responsibilities. The group highlighted several concerns about the Myanmar situation and Singapore–Myanmar relations, some gleaned from the group’s uniquely Singaporean perspective. At the meeting’s end, the group proposed a spectrum of options for considering policy recommendations.

This report summarizes the dialogue in four sections. First, the overall outlook on Myanmar is presented. Second, Singapore’s involvement with Myanmar in four sectors is described: government and diplomacy, business and trade, humanitarian aid and technical assistance, and military ties. Third, Singapore’s policy options are discussed and sketched on a spectrum from “proxy” to “pragmatic” to “principled” approaches. Finally, the report suggests how Singapore’s strategy fits into regional and global contexts....

January 18, 2011
The FATA Secratariat Capacity Building Project, International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University

Abstract:

To assist Pakistan in building a national rehabilitation programme, the Government of Pakistan has engaged Singapore’s International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR) since 2008. ICPVTR staff held meetings throughout Pakistan to build support in laying the foundation for a rehabilitation programme. This included meetings with both political leaders and bureaucrats. The vision of building a structured rehabilitation programme for inmates and detainees driven by terrorist and extremist ideologies was shared by Mr. Tariq Pervez, chairman of the National Counter Terrorism Authority of Pakistan, when he participated at the inaugural International Conference on Terrorist Rehabilitation held in Singapore on 24-26 February 2009. The paper was aptly entitled “Challenges of Establishing a Rehabilitation Programme in Pakistan.” Nonetheless, the initiative to launch the rehabilitation programme in Pakistan is a natural progression....

November 29, 2010
RAND Corporation

Abstract:

Deradicalizing Islamist extremists may be even more important than getting them to simply disengage from terrorist activities, according to a new RAND Corporation study that examines counter-radicalization programs in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Europe. Although there has been much research about the radicalization and recruitment of Islamist extremists, there has been little study until recently about how one deradicalizes those who have been recruited into the Islamist extremist movement. A key question is whether the objective of counter-radicalization programs should be disengagement (a change in behavior) or deradicalization (a change in beliefs) of militants. A unique challenge posed by militant Islamist groups is that their ideology is rooted in a major world religion, Islam. The RAND study indentifies and analyzes the processes through which militants leave Islamist extreme groups, assesses the effectiveness of deradicalization programs and summarizes the policies that could help to promote and accelerate the processes of deradicalization....

November 1, 2010
James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy, Rice Univeristy

Abstract:

In the past 10 years, the rehabilitation of Muslim radicals has become a pressing issue. Great numbers of radicals have passed in and out of various incarcerating institutions and are returned to their societies where they frequently rejoin radical groups, sometimes more radicalized and technically proficient than they were prior to their incarceration. Both Muslim and non-Muslim governments have sought different methods to rehabilitate radicals, ranging from arranging debates between radicals and mainstream Muslim religious elite to confronting them with betrayals and denunciations by relatives, friends, and associates. There are also full-scale “reeducation” camps. This policy paper will seek to evaluate these methodologies and propose for the United States a workable policy for re-integrating radicals into society, thus defusing the power of recidivism....

September 7, 2010
Combating Terrorism Center // West Point

Abstract:

Reports: 1 Al-Qa`ida’s Five Aspects of Power By The Combating Terrorism Center; 5 A Case Study of the January 2008 Suicide Bomb Plot in Barcelona By Fernando Reinares; 8 A Holistic Critique of Singapore’s Counter-Ideological Program By Kumar Ramakrishna; 11 Shifting Trends in Suicide Attacks By Assaf Moghadam; 14 The Future of Moqtada al-Sadr’s New Jaysh al-Mahdi By Babak Rahimi; 17 Reconsidering the Role of Militias in Iraq By Major James J. Smith, U.S. Army; 19 The Pakistan Army and its Role in FATA By Shuja Nawaz; 21 Iraq’s Border Security: Key to an Iraqi Endstate By LTC Steven Oluic, U.S. Army...

July 21, 2011
Women's Refugee Commission

Abstract:

This report is the culmination of a six-month project commissioned by the Women’s Refugee Commission and co-funded by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to address the rights and needs of displaced persons with disabilities, with a particular focus on women (including older women), children and youth. Based on field research in five refugee situations, as well as global desk research, the Women’s Refugee Commission sought to map existing services for displaced persons with disabilities, identify gaps and good practices and make recommendations on how to improve services, protection and participation for displaced persons with disabilities. The objective of the project was to gather initial empirical data and produce a Resource Kit that would be of practical use to UN and nongovernmental organization (NGO) field staff working with displaced persons with disabilities....

July 6, 2011
Peacebuild // Paix Durable

Abstract:

This paper is a gendered analysis of peacebuilding capacity in the context of forced migration. Scholars have tended to focus primarily on potential threats from conflict-generated diasporas1 rather than on how they contribute to peace processes in their homelands. Understanding how the millions of refugees affected by armed conflicts may, as non-state actors, help to facilitate peace making and peace building not only addresses some of the needs of refugees, but develops new policy and practices necessary to address contemporary ethno-political conflict. This study of women from Burma in exile reinforces the need to implement UNSCR 1325 in a way that strengthens the peace capacity of diaspora women‟s organizations in host countries as well as those at home....

June 9, 2011
Council on Foreign Relations

Abstract:

Thailand will hold a long-awaited federal election on July 3, pitting the governing Democrat Party against the opposition Puea Thai party, as well as a group of smaller parties. For some Thai politicians, this poll will be the culmination of a process of national reconciliation that began in the wake of bloody riots in Bangkok last April and May, during which at least eighty people were killed, hundreds were injured, and an unknown numbers of protestors were taken into police custody, often without charges filed.

But the election could simply accelerate Thailand's political meltdown, underway since a coup in September 2006 deposed then-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who fled into exile. Most likely, the poll will not resolve the increasingly deep divisions in Thai society--between the rural poor who have backed Thaksin and the urban middle classes; between archroyalist supporters of the Thai monarchy and those who would like a real constitutional monarchy; and between residents of the north and northeast of Thailand and residents of Bangkok and the south.

Instead, any of the plausible poll scenarios--an opposition victory nullified by another coup, or a Democrat win put together through backroom coalition building--is likely to inflame segments of Thailand, causing more unrest in what was once one of the most stable countries in Asia....

May 3, 2011
Human Rights Watch

Abstract:

This report provides the most detailed account yet of violence and human rights abuses by both sides during and after massive protests in Bangkok and other parts of Thailand in 2010. The report is based on 94 interviews with victims, witnesses, protesters, academics, journalists, lawyers, human rights defenders, parliament members, government officials, security personnel, police, and those who directly took part in various stages of the violence from both the government and the protester sides. It documents deadly attacks by government security forces on protesters in key incidents and details abuses by armed elements, known as “Black Shirts,” associated with the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD). The report also explains the background to the political crisis that led to the protests and continues to the present....

April 26, 2011
Refugees International

Abstract:

Malaysia has taken significant steps forward in improving refugee rights. In the past year, there have been no reported attempts to deport Burmese refugees to the border with Thailand and a decrease in immigration raids and arrests of registered refugees. But these advances have not yet been codified into written government policy, leaving refugees considered “illegal migrants” and subject to arrest and detention. The Government of Malaysia should build on this progress by setting up a system of residence and work permits for refugees. The international community should mobilize additional funds for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and non-governmental agencies to leverage this opportunity to improve refugee rights....

August 2, 2011
Global Change, Peace & Security

Abstract:

Enthusiasts of human security argue that what is needed in the post-Cold-War period is a foreign policy agenda that is more ‘people-centred’ than the state-centred focus of security policy during the Cold War period. Among the most enthusiastic proponents of the human security paradigm in the 1990s was the Canadian government, which, in partnership with a number of other like-minded governments, sought to press the human security agenda, taking a number of human security initiatives. However, since the late 1990s, we have seen a paradox: the concept has attracted increased attention from scholars while its salience among policy-makers appears to be declining. Using the case of the Canadian government’s policy towards the crisis in Timor in September 1999, we explore the difficulty that policy-makers have had in moving human security from the rhetorical realm to the level of concrete policy that makes a difference to the safety of people whose security is threatened. We conclude that there was a significant gap between Canada’s human security rhetoric and Ottawa’s actual policy in Timor. While the Canadian government did eventually contribute troops to the International Force, East Timor (INTERFET), we show that Canada’s response was slow, cautious, and minimalist. There was neither the willingness nor the capacity to be at the forefront of the efforts to send a robust force to East Timor. This case demonstrates some important limits of the human security agenda, and why this agenda remained so firmly in the realm of the rhetorical in the 1990s. Efforts...

June 7, 2011
Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces

Abstract:

The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.

The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:

• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender

Individual examples can also be downloaded individually, in English or in French, at:
http://gssrtraining.ch/index.php?option=com_content&view;=article&id;=4&Itemid;=131⟨=en...

April 18, 2011
International Crisis Group

Abstract:

The unresolved status of thousands of former refugees who fled across the border following a 1999 vote for independence remains a challenge to Timor-Leste’s long-term stability. Many were never well integrated into host communities and are being drawn back across the border in small but increasing numbers by relative economic and political stability in the new state. These returns should be encouraged by both countries as a good opportunity to promote reconciliation between the two communities divided by the border. Doing so will expose the costs of impunity for the violence that surrounded the 1999 referendum and highlight the failure to implement practical recommendations from its two truth commissions, the CAVR and the Commission on Truth and Friendship. Timor-Leste’s leadership may yet decide that some form of amnesty is the best way forward, but the country cannot afford to further delay broad discussion on solutions.

A quarter of a million people fled the province of East Timor after the 1999 referendum, many forcibly displaced by Indonesian security forces and militia. Some of the thousands remaining in West Timor are there for economic reasons; many others because of pressure from family members and community leaders. This latter group are still poorly integrated into their host communities, refuse to leave old refugee camps, and are frustrated by the end of official assistance. Political stability in Timor-Leste and the promise of access to land are making the prospect of return more attractive. But misinformation, an unclear legal basis for leaving Indonesia, and fear that their access to property and basic political rights will not be upheld are holding them back....

March 3, 2011
Global Consortium on Security Transformation

Abstract:

This paper will analyze some aspects about impact of international cooperation in security sector reform in three countries located in different continents and with different historical realities. These countries were selected because their local experiences could show us several elements about how international donors have acted and how local societies have assumed this help. The first two countries are East Timor and Liberia, these societies are living under a statebuilding process - and even a nation-building process - after a several years of internal war related with particular local and international elements. On the other hand, I chose Colombia. Although this country currently is suffering an internal conflict I consider very important to study a conflict society with post conflict societies, this academic exercise could be useful to learn about advantages and disadvantages of international cooperation in a broadly perspective, not only in peaceful settings but also in societies ‘under fire’ as Colombian....

January 14, 2011
Center for International Governance Innovation

Abstract:

Political intervention and a lack of accountability for serious crimes are two significant challenges facing the justice system in Timor-Leste. President Ramos-Horta has emphasized political reconciliation over prosecutorial justice, granting pardons in high-profile cases, even those involving crimes against humanity. The fourth edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste discusses the negative impact these presidential pardons have had on the development of the justice system, the broader security sector and the country’s future stability....

May 31, 2011
Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

Abstract:

This report examines the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in Viet Nam by evaluating some of the successes and challenges the country has faced for implementing the R2P mandate. Viet Nam’s history of violence, war, social upheaval and economic hardship make the prevention of future mass atrocities critical for the country itself and for the region. The aim of this report is to present a background of relevant issues that have restrained the country’s capacity to implement the R2P and to offer recommendations for principle implementations and capacity improvement. The report provides specific insight into the weaknesses of Viet Nam’s human rights status, the vulnerabilities of ethnic minorities to human rights abuses and the potential for these abuses to escalate into the commission of mass atrocities. The overall purpose of this report is to provide useful information for professionals and practitioners with an interest in Viet Nam who may be unfamiliar with the country’s current political developments and human rights status that are relevant to the implementation of the R2P....

April 7, 2011
Institute for Security and Development Policy

Abstract:

The Mekong River – Southeast Asia’s largest river – runs from the Tibetan Plateau and through China’s Yunnan province. This part of the river is heavily dammed. South of China, as it goes through Burma, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, has been spared. That might soon be changing as Laos, backed by Thailand, is set to start the construction of the 1260 megawatt Xayaburi hydroelectric plant. Vietnam opposes this plan and claims that the future of the river, and the communities along it, will be threatened. National interests are clearly pitted against each other. The split regarding the future of the Mekong River threatens to damage the relations between Laos and Vietnam and increase regional insecurity....

March 31, 2011
Human Rights Watch

Abstract:

This Human Rights Watch report details the latest government crackdowns on these indigenous peoples, known collectively as Montagnards. The report documents police sweeps to root out Montagnards in hiding. It details how the authorities have dissolved house church gatherings, orchestrated coerced renunciations of faith, and sealed off the border to prevent asylum seekers from fleeing to Cambodia.

October 27, 2010
Human Security Unit - Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Source // United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

Abstract:

Over the last decade, the international community has been working toward a new and broader concept of security, drawing input from a number of governments, non-governmental organizations and civil society groups as well as scholars and other prominent individuals. This new concept—known as human security—calls on states to ensure the survival, livelihood and dignity of their inhabitants. At the same time, it encourages e≠orts to equip people to act more e≠ectively on their own behalf. Following the report by the Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now, this booklet seeks to show practical applications of human security and give the concept a human face. Between March-June 2006, in preparation for this publication, the Human Security Unit, a freelance journalist and a team of photographers visited dozens of project sites, conducting hundreds of interviews with local staff and beneficiaries. From these many compelling initiatives, nine stories were selected that reflect the range of issues, regions and institutions involved in human security work around the globe. Human security represents a fundamentally new way of thinking about a range of contemporary challenges—from hunger, poverty and failing schools to armed conflict, forced migration and human tra≤cking. Because these issues are closely intertwined, human security emphasizes the need for multi-sectoral responses and collaboration among all stakeholders. Moreover, it aims to bridge the gaps between security, humanitarian assistance, human rights and development aid....

June 15, 2010
United States Naval War College // Newport Papers

Abstract:

Beginning in the early 1980s, commercial shipping became a prime target of pirates, first off West Africa and then slowly spreading into Southeast Asia. Throughout the 1990s, and especially after the Soviet Union’s collapse, piracy increased dramatically. Reports of piracy tripled during 1991–2001: of 335 reported cases in 2001, ninety-one were in waters claimed by Indonesia, twenty-seven by India, twenty-five by Bangladesh, nineteen by Malaysia, eight by Vietnam, and eight by the Philippines; another seventeen reported attacks occurred in the Malacca Strait, bordering on Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. This monograph is intended as a contribution to both scholarship and professional naval thinking; it is an academic and comparative examination of twelve selected case studies from maritime history used to illuminate a range of concepts and uses of piracy suppression. The twelve case studies provide the basis for the conclusions, an approach that provides a more thorough understanding of the uses and limitations of naval antipiracy operations in the context of new maritime technologies and within a wider range of modern national policy goals than might otherwise be achievable. Above all, this collection provides a sound basis for comparative analysis of varying historical experiences that can stimulate new and original thinking about a basic but often overlooked naval duty....